Si Estados Unidos quiere mantenerse a la vanguardia de una China que est\u00e1 ganando r\u00e1pidamente en el campo de la inteligencia artificial, necesita un buen plan de acci\u00f3n. Dicho plan se presenta en el informe final , publicado el 1 de marzo, por la Comisi\u00f3n de Seguridad Nacional sobre Inteligencia Artificial, o NSCAI. Fundamentalmente, se trata de un esfuerzo de todo el gobierno para salvaguardar el liderazgo tecnol\u00f3gico estadounidense.<\/p>\n
If the United States is to keep ahead of a rapidly gaining China in the field of artificial intelligence, it needs a concrete and comprehensive plan for action. Such a plan is presented in the final report<\/a>, released today, of the National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence, or NSCAI. Critically, this report is about more than AI. It is the opening salvo of a much-needed effort to create an overarching national strategy for technology<\/a>, a whole-of-government effort to safeguard American technological leadership.<\/p>\n Congress created the NSCAI<\/a> three years ago to determine how the United States could develop AI and machine learning systems to address U.S. national security and defense needs. The Commission\u2019s recommendations, and the urgency it conveys, are likely to shape the U.S. government\u2019s AI strategy in the years to come, particularly within the Defense Department. The report makes clear that U.S. supremacy in AI is not a given, and that the government must act swiftly and effectively to harness the technology\u2019s transformative power.<\/p>\n At more than 700 pages, the report is one of the most comprehensive documents on AI competitiveness ever written. Its first half describes how the U.S. can adopt AI to \u201cchange the way we defend America, deter adversaries, use intelligence to make sense of the world, and fight and win wars.\u201d Among the myriad of recommendations, two sets stand out. One is a call for an \u201cAI-Ready DoD\u201d<\/a> by 2025, which amounts to a comprehensive overhaul of the Department\u2019s approach to AI. It spans digital literacy and infrastructure to crafting new concepts and operations to integrate AI technologies. The underlying admonition is that the U.S. military is at serious risk of failing to effectively wield AI-enabled technologies despite enjoying access to world-leading capabilities.<\/p>\n The second set is likely to prove the most controversial of the entire report, as it concerns the lawfulness, safety, and ethics of AI-enabled and autonomous weapons. In a series of judgments, the NSCAI concludes<\/a> that such weapons have been and can continue to be used in accordance with international humanitarian law, and that DoD has the procedures in place to ensure this remains the case. As a result, the Commission does not support a global prohibition of such weapons. The associated recommendations focus on mitigating the strategic risks of AI, including ensuring human decision making for the use of nuclear weapons, crisis stability dialogues with Russia and China, and setting international standards for the development, testing, and use of AI-enabled and autonomous weapons. The Commission is unambiguous that AI-enabled warfare is the future.<\/p>\n The report\u2019s second section<\/a>\u2014\u201cWinning the Technology Competition\u201d\u2014explains how AI fits into the broader strategic competition between the U.S. and China. While many of the recommendations in this section have been advocated for in the Commission\u2019s interim reports<\/a>, some of the specifics have changed. Notably, the NSCAI now calls for even greater R&D investments<\/a>\u2014at least $8 billion a year by the Defense Department, federal funding of AI R&D at $32 billion annually by 2026, and federal spending of 1 percent of GDP for R&D for science across the board. This is the boldest pronouncement yet among a growing<\/a> chorus<\/a> of support for<\/a> increased AI R&D spending.<\/p>\n An important recommendation is to create a Technology Competitiveness Council<\/a>, a proposed bureaucratic entity within the White House that would unify the various technology policy efforts underway in the executive branch. Led by a new principal, the council would be responsible for crafting and executing a national technology strategy<\/a>, with an initial focus on the AI talent competition, fostering innovation, protecting U.S. competitive advantages, and partnering with like-minded countries to create a \u201cfavorable international technology order.\u201d Given the centrality of technology to the economic vitality and national security of the United States, the NSCAI is making a profound statement on the need for greater leadership by the federal government if it seeks to ensure long term U.S. competitiveness.<\/p>\n Many of the report\u2019s recommendations align with the Biden administration\u2019s key policy priorities, including on supply chain security<\/a>, talent<\/a>, and the stakes of the U.S.-China competition<\/a>. The Commission warns that the U.S. is \u201coverly dependent upon globally diversified supply chains for microelectronics\u201d\u2014language echoing the Biden administration\u2019s recent executive order<\/a> on supply chain security. The Commission declares immigration reform a \u201cnational security imperative\u201d and examines ways the government could create new immigration pathways and bolster existing ones\u2014recommendations that may help shape the Biden administration\u2019s immigration agenda<\/a>. The Commission is unequivocal in describing the high stakes of the technology competition<\/a> between the U.S. and China, of which AI is a critical component.<\/p>\n The Commission\u2019s message is clear: the U.S. is still ahead of China in AI, but that gap is shrinking rapidly. Their report offers a concrete and comprehensive plan for action that should resonate with many in the White House and on Capitol Hill. The stakes couldn\u2019t be higher. NSCAI did its job with its final report. Now America\u2019s policymakers must act.<\/p>\n